Facon de se serrer la main chez les franc maçon

the historiography of eighteenth-century français Freemasonry, whilearguably calmer in that infancy, has already coalesced around twoprinciple themes.

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First, historians have revealed considérable aspects ofthe brotherhood"s origins. Freemasonry first appeared inseventeenth-century Scotland oui men native higher société ranks joinedlodges that had actually previously served venir regulate auto working resides ofstonemasons. (1) In this way, an arcane institution that once alloweditinerant expert builders venir recognize every other far from patrie becamea voluntary fraternal association that transcended both course ranks andnational borders. From thé time du this transition, Freemasonrycultivated details kinds of knowledge. The heureux of masonicteaching traced the roots venir esoteric philosophy. Even before the shiftfrom "operative" à "speculative" jaune symbolicMasonry transpired, british Masons devised ceremonies, sous la terre signs, anda legend history of their order the drew extinction from severalsources, consisting of what la france Yates called auto RosicrucianEnlightenment, an obscure German intellectual movement affiliated withHermeticism, Cabalism, and alchemy. (2) auto symbols and mythology at thecenter ns Masonic lodge activity, jaune "craft," to be initiallydrawn from auto periphery of Enlightenment thought. (3) the second et more prevalent theme that historians ont recentlybrought to the study du Freemasonry involves its status oui a forerunnerof modern egalitarian political ideals and modes ns social interaction.Margaret C. Jacob ascribes venir Freemasonry no less de a legacy than"modern civil society," et influential studies of theeighteenth century oui argued that cette served as année incubator fordemocratic et intellectual sociability, cosmopolitanism, et thebourgeois auditeur sphere. (4) thé tendency to see Freemasonry ont havingprepared the way à la modernity is nothing new; Lessing quipped in 1778that civil society may have been "simply année offshoot ofFreemasonry." (5) but a generation of historians influenced byHabermas has actually reinforced this watch with thé vocabulary of social theory,and it is particularly prevalent in studies du the fraternity"sactivities in France. Works par Daniel Gordon et Dena goodman havehelped crystalize a pervasive understanding ns EnlightenmentFreemasonry. In Goodmans words, "it is within thé context ofsociability <...>, especially intellectual sociability, that the Masonicphenomenon can be best understood." (6)
this studies have opened up important new perspectives oneighteenth-century Freemasonry, cible their emphasis nous sociability isprone to overlook important features de the brotherhood"sactivities. This is auto case, firstly, because sociability ont Gordon andGoodman deploy ce is really année abstraction rooted in Enlightenmentdiscourses, fairly than a term that describes actual human behavior. Tobe sure, the "idea" de sociability the concernedeighteenth-century thinkers informed thé way personnes comported themselvesin Parisian Salons, et informal Masonic meetings undoubtedly receivedsome of the exact same influences. Cible both the salons et Masonic lodgeactivity also involved really human actions with embodied,spatiotemporal, et material facets. Here theater et performancehistory can help us grasp phenomena that temporisation to elude auto methods ofintellectual history. Secondly, ont Bruno Latour has said persuasively,the domain du human social interactions in general is thoroughlysustained by performances. Acquisition aim at modern sociology, Latour pointsout the "society" is no a real and stable domain in whichhuman beings yes, really interact. (7) The social domain is better understoodas a dynamic set of groupings that are made et kept up throughdeliberate action. The multiplying salons and societes of EnlightenmentFrance were for this reason "performed," which is to say, developed throughthe ongoing activity jaune work of those that belonged à them. (8) In compare to divers social groups that thrived in theeighteenth century, Freemasonry to be unusually saturated with managedperformance behavior. Auto fraternity was, at base, a deliberatelyfabricated network continual not only passant par performances in a wide sense,but also par formal performative actions. Masonic bonds were (and arestill) forged passant par oaths that accomplish J. L. Austins standard criteria forperformative utterances. (9) but Masonic lodge activity also contained arange de nondiscursive performative operations. These incorporated,meticulously staged behaviors--hand signs, choreographed steps,embraces--as well oui meals, concerts, and other non-ritualactivities--were thé work de the lodge. As well as sustaining auto networkof international Freemasonry, these actions produced masculine bodies thatwere intimately bound to each other. Thus, quite than merely an aspectof the broader phenomenon ns Enlightenment sociability, Freemasonry maybe understood oui a deliberately grew repertoire of performancesthat created a discrete, artificial, internationale network ns men.Looking at Freemasonry in this way both sharpens ours view de its socialdimension et reveals countless points du intersection between auto history ofthe fraternity and the dynamic arena ns eighteenth-century théâtre andperformance history.
This essay focuses ns one du those points ns intersection:Masonic rituals both appropriated et informed sentimental dramaturgy inmidcentury France. Auto performative speech and actions, elaboratemise-enscene, choreographed movements, et codified touching that werepart du Masonic rituals all constitute significant and understudiedtheatrical aspects de the Freemasonry phenomenon. These facets ofMasonic "craft" assisted stimulate sorry terror, pity,remorse, bereavement, et other strong feelings amongst brothers.Ceremonial performance promoted passionate homosocial affection thatwas vital venir fraternal cohesion. This feelings to be a central focus oflodge task because they were vital to auto perpetuation of the orderand that is goals of promoting public harmony across the world with theideals de self-discipline, charity, et reason. (10) fellow feelingamong brother was central to auto lived experience de lodge activity,and hence integral to thé promulgation of Masonic ideology and thesustenance of its international network. Ont Lessing wrote,Freemasonry"s defining quality had less to à faire with "externalassociations" between brothers than v "the sharedsentiments du kindred spirits." (11) In drawing attention to thé relationship between eighteenth-centurytheater and Freemasonry in France, I faire not mean to suggest that eithertradition exclusively, or even predominantly, influenced auto other. Abroader comparative study of Freemasonry in this era would certainly encompassother ritual practices, including Catholic Mass, the proliferation ofconfraternities during the Wars of Religion, and certain ruines ofmedieval chivalric culture--including thé labor organizations known ascompagnonnage--that grew their own symbols and rites ofinitiation. (12) Midcentury reformist dramaturgy, too, receivedinspiration indigenous a vast range of contemporary ideas et art forms,including dramatic theory, moral philosophy, and visual art. Cible thestructural links between Freemasonry and eighteenth-century theater areunique in their potential to reveal the émotif machinery central tothe former, and help explain the abiding subject preoccupations du thelatter. In the tons part du what follows, je examine the evidence thatMasonic rituals to be elaborately staged performances that attracted fromdramaturgical trends prevalent in france in the middle decades ns theeighteenth century. This rituals drew dessus subject matter andnarratives similar venir those found in neoclassical tragedy, and managedbodies and spaces in discernibly theatrical ways. But it is the fusionof pathetic, tearful sensations to bonds that modeled archetypalmasculine relationships that many palpably web links Masonic ritual venir thetheater culture of eighteenth-century France. While ce is likely that,in auto two decades after Masonic lodges appeared in France, the growingtaste à la plays the evoked pathetic feeling exerted some influenceupon auto way the Masons practiced and experienced your rituals, in thesecond part ns argue that thé phenomenon of Freemasonry likewise likelyinformed français dramaturgy. Thé valorization ns artificial paternal,filial, et fraternal bonds centre to Freemasonry became a prevalenttheme in French drama in thé third quarter de the century. Despite thesethemes are widespread in thé work de many playwrights that wrote in thegenre of spectaculaire bourgeois, I focus my attentif on French adaptation ofThe london Merchant, an English jouer in which masculine homosocialaffection is a principale engine of sympathetic feeling. French versions ofThe londres Merchant, which had an outsized un tube on thé development ofFrench drame, imply that, regardless de playwrights" affiliationswith Freemasonry, the passionate masculine bonds promoted de the brotherhoodinformed late-Enlightenment français dramatic literature. Auto MASONIC routine STAGE the manuscripts that record secret Masonic rituals practiced ineighteenth-century France et the printed exposures de these activitiesdisclose plenty of theatrical features. These have the right to be split intoextra-discursive (spatial, material, embodied) and dramatic (literary,linguistic) categories. When commonalities in mise-en-scene, narrativestructure, and subject matter link these rituals to auto practice oftheater generally and to the genres of tragedy, tearful comedy, anddrame bourgeoes specifically, my focus here will be au manifestationsof a certain dramatic result toward which numerous features du Masoniclodge activity were directed: pathetic feeling. Sophie marchande hasshown that this dramaturgical standard was centre to auto wayeighteenth-century dramatists viewed auto essential nature of thetheatrical art. (13) While ce evades tidy definition, ns pathetiquepermeated eighteenth-century aesthetics in the form du a desire foremotionally moving effects, which dramatists and critics believed weresignified foremost by tears. A specifying feature of french Enlightenmentdrama generally, auto cultivation du pathos, links auto tearful comediesof ns Chaussee, many of Voltaire"s tragedies, and sentimentalmidcentury drame. Pathetic dramaturgy is irreducible venir any particulartype du scenario, marqué its workings are specifically evident in the waywriters of drame treat certain paradigmatic famille bonds--paternal,filial, and fraternal. (14) thé burdens, trials, and redemptions ns suchbonds were quartier général to the content of Masonic rituals. Entry into thé order ns Freemasons in eighteenth-century Francerequired progression through three basic degrees representingescalating condition in the trade ns stonemasonry: Apprentice, Companion,and Master. Parce que le each degree, initiates were led through a consciousness in aspecially disposed "lodge" space. Here, lunderground knowledgeappropriate to each level (the meaning ns Masonic symbols, words, handsigns, etc.) was imparted, et candidates pledged to protect auto secretsof auto brotherhood and to come to auto aid ns its members. Thedisclosures, oaths, and explications de Masonic symbols--in short, thecontent du these rituals--were typically recorded on paper in"catechisms" and details de "reception" i beg your pardon nowreside in Masonic archives. These documents, i m sorry corroborate plenty of ofthe details published in a series de profane "exposures" thatappeared in france in auto 1730s and 40s, démontrer that advance ritualsinvolved many theatrical performance techniques. The architectural surroundings de Masonic task ineighteenth-century la france were integral to thé brotherhood"sactivities et sense du identity. Ciseau walls separated your meetingsfrom daily life and shrouded their secrets. As Anthony Vidler hasnoted, this spaces to be so significativement to Freemasonry the they providedthe order with the names à la its simple organizational units. (15) Masonsbelonged à groups called "lodges," and by metonym, venir thebuildings the housed them. Specifically in auto early half ns the century,these spaces tended à be created in apartments quite than inspecially constructed buildings. (16) While comprehensive variation inspatial practices existed from lodge à lodge and from awareness toceremony, avec certitude techniques were typically used. External light andpeering eyes were blocked de means de curtains. Ceremonial rooms wereorganized according to pinky directions et dressed à representparts de Solomons temple in Jerusalem. The arrangement of body andsymbolic adornments necessary for rituals were accomplished with hangingcurtains et tapestries, floor drawings or illustrated carpets jaune linensthat might be conveniently picked up and stowed. (17) released exposures du Masonic secrets in the middle decades du thecentury described the brotherhoods ceremonial spaces. à la instance,illustrations that showed up in louis Travenol"s nouveau catechismeshow distinct candleholders placed roughly a quartier général floor drawing,framing and illuminating the central locus of action. A series ofanonymously developed elaborate engravings adhered to Travenol"sexposure, offering the auditeur with more vivid image of the actionsperformed in rituals ns initiation (fig. 1). Many de the detailsdepicted in these engravings space corroborated de ritual messages from theera. (18) Long, parted drapes specify a focal point at thé Orient, oreastern end de the room. Part participants a été observé from the periphery ofthe floor drawing, when those waiting to be initiated sit extended insheets. Other sources suggest, however, that thé floor drawing andchandeliers did not divide the mouvement from auto onlookers. Rites ofreception associated repeatedly walking the initiate, who was blindfolded,around auto area signifying the Temple--an exercise that disoriented andfatigued him. (19) si this transformed, shifting, et envelopingarrangement of ritual playing space resembled twentieth-centuryenvironmental scenography, divers aspects du Masonic siège space alsoreactivated the processional la nature of medieval enthousiasme plays.Ceremonial lodge spaces were typically arranged in a series. Initiatesprogressed from a darkened "quarter" pièce into de nouveau forpurification avant going right into the main chamber du initiation. (20)Ritual document show the brothers hold swords interrogatedinitiates antérieur à they were admettre to auto "chambre dereception." (21) besides these espace practices, Masonic rituals bore est différent traitsof theatrical performance. Participants wore ceremonial aprons andgloves, ont well as other elements ns uniform costume. Initiates worespecial apparel (habillement) that was manipulated in the arttasters of theritual, revealing the breast et the foot below the knee. Auto secretsimparted venir initiates in agree ceremonies likewise included specificsteps (pas), hand signs and grips, et embraces (attouchements). Suchmovements invariably lugged a symbolic payload that coincided tosome element ns the order mythology or doctrine, and as such have the right to beconsidered mnemonic techniques that moved Masonic knowledge conditions météorologiques tothe bodies ns participants. The discipliné of ligne directrice itself, whichrequired body-to-body transmission of the knowledge required à properlyexecute auto corresponding step, grip, hand sign, jaune embrace, furtherimplies the Freemasonry stewarded embodied cultural memory comparableto the déménageur taught in oratory, dance, and theater. (22) After themidcentury exposures, auto intricate, physicalized rituals ns the Masonsbecame susceptible to antitheatrical insult. Travenol, a violin atthe opera who claimed to oui infiltrated a lodge without having beeninitiated, included to the 1748 edition du the frais catechisme adedication "to thé fair sex" in which he denigrated Masonicritual as "spectacle" and "mummeries," and referredto key des moments in thé reception ns master ritual oui "coup detheater." (23) such extradiscursive attributes were no the only traits the mayhave spurred doubters to compare Masonic craft to theater. Routine textsin many ways resembled auto scripts du private theatrical performances,not unlike the theatres de societe in elite residences the multipliedover the arttaserse of auto century. Spoken exchanges between an initiate andthe "venerable master" who presided over ceremonies wererecorded in dialogue form, through roles significant D and R, Inone manuscript catechism, parce que le instance, the venerable master asks theinitiate to auto degree du apprentice to recite facts around thefraternity"s history, symbols, et goals: D. Combien y-a t-il ns sortes aux macons? R. Ns deux sortes: connaissent les macons du theorie et das macons depratique. D. Qu"apprenez-vous etant macon de theorie? R. Une bien morale, a epurer nos moeurs und a nous déremboursement agreablesa entier le monde. D. Qu"est-ce qu"un macon aux pratique? R. C"est l"ouvrier tailleur de pierre. D. Aviez-vous des lumieres fixes? R. Daccord Venerable, à nombre aux trois: dont d’un a l"orient, unea l"occident et ns 3e venir midi. (24) the catechism functioned ont a performance script, offering text tobe talked verbatim in ceremonial contexts. Thé roles are for the mostpart implied by the question and answer form, marqué are sometimes madeexplicit ("oui Venerable"). The catechisms additionally bear textualsigns du use in actual performance. As well as referring to scenic elementsplaced nearby, they include sporadic directions. In auto midst de the"catechism de companions" in thé same text, thé reader isalerted the "dans ce moment, le venerable à faire donner ns signe,l"attouchment, et epeler ns parole" . (25) However, auto dramatic charpente of the central actions that unfoldin rituals promoting Masons through the first three degrees, et theemotional activities inscribed in those actions, most plainly alignMasonic ritual texts with auto theater of their era. From auto catechisms,it pouvez initially show up that Masonic initiation is not année overtlysentimental experience. The first exchanges de the apprentice catechismsuggest resistance toward unbridled feeling. To the question "Quevenez-vous donner ici" , auto initiateresponds "vaincre mien passions, soumettre ma volontes, et sengager denouveaux progres à lintérieur la maconnerie" . (26) Masonry here seemsto seek emotional restraint quite than catharsis. But, in fact,rituals to be designed to stimulate forgiveness feelings amongst brothers.The aspiring Mason does no destroy jaune eliminate his la passion so lot ashe finds, in auto lodge, dramatic structures that will permit him toexercise his feelings in an orderly way that reinforces Masonic ethics. Taken oui a whole, the tons three degrees of Freemasonry enact aplot with generally tragic qualities. In the course of attaining thestatuses ns Apprentice et Companion, new Masons conference disjointedelements of the story of Hiram Abiff, année architect employed par Solomonin the confinements of auto Holy Temple ns Jerusalem. (27) This histoire iswhat Travenol dubbed Freemasonry"s "Avanture Tragique."(28) In thé third degree, that de Master, this elements du the historyof Hiram space revisited ont part de a culminating performance in i m sorry thecandidate theatre the centre role in a ritual reenactment du Hiram"smurder. Hiram, thé legend holds, invented secret words, signs, andtouches that would permit him à appropriately compensate the masters,companions, et apprentices that worked for him. Three companion Masons,hoping to forces Hiram to divulge the métro signs that would allow themto it is in paid ont masters, killed the architect when cette refused. Theattackers then attempted à hide your crime de burying Hiram"scorpse underneath année acacia tree. Thé reception de a master dubbed forthe reenacted Hiram"s murder, burial, et exhumation de fellowMasons par use of a sous la terre grip de the hand. The ceremonies that finish in this reenactment replicatefeatures of tragic dramaturgy. In a vaguely Sophoclean mold, theycombine the revelation of secret knowledge with the representation of acatastrophic event. Thé proceedings likewise accentuate et attempt topromote feelings de terror et pity, fulfilling année Aristotelian watch ofthe effects ns tragic action. Initiation involves the fear ns subjectingoneself to auto feigned attacks of fellow brother (fig. 2). Initiateswere interrogated and threatened par "freres terribles" menacedwith swords, blinded, and disoriented. (29) In one catechism à la thedegree de apprentice, année initiate promised not venir reveal the secret ofthe brotherhood, "on le noir of having throat cut, his tongueripped out, his heart torn venir pieces, all to be buried in thé deepabysses de the sea, or body burned and reduced to ashes, et theashes cast to thé wind, sauce soja that there would be no plus long any storage of among either homme or Masons." (30) marqué the disastrous dramaturgyat auto heart du Masonic legend is much more neoclassical 보다 Greek. Cette thusturns nous what d"Aubignac called année "anticipated event" ofdisastrous nature, and a denouement, vital elements de tragicplotting. (31) while closer in terms of subject venir Racines laterbiblical plays--like Athalie, i m sorry is collection in Solomon"s templeitself--the legend of Hiram also piste the ordeal of an admirableprotagonist, who, prefer Cato, Brutus, et other pitiable characters ofeighteenth-century tragedy, accepts his fate ont a sacrifice parce que le a higherprinciple. (32) auto story ns Hiram also conforms to the eighteenth-century notionthat a tragic mouvement should be pathetic in nature. Jean-FrancoisMarmontel thought that pathetic feeling subsumed the Aristoteliancategories of terror and pity. (33) marqué he additionally considered sometragedies an ext pathetic than others. He found Voltaire"s Mahomet,for instance, in which a son is pushed by année unscrupulous religiousleader venir murder a man cette doesn"t sait is his very own father, à bemore pathetic than classic examples du tragedy, because inVoltaire"s play, the crime is partly understood antérieur à it iscommitted. (34) A completely developed tragedy based conditions météorologiques the story of Hiramwould thus satisfy this criterion pour a important pathetic quartier général action.Masonic lore makes clear that Hiram"s assailants interpreted theirreasons for threatening and attacking auto architect--though auto extentto i m sorry his murder to be intended from the beginning is left open. Thereis no doubt, however, the Masons ascribed to thé story du Hiram acutepathetic effects. Thé stirring nature of Hiram"s death was signaled in severalaspects of Masonic ritual. Auto legendary background preserved in one ritualtext relates that thé architect"s murder "deeply moved"King Solomon, that ordered the corps exhumed and re-entombed in a place ofhonor in the temple. (35) thé tears de Hiram"s survivors appearedin elements ns ritual staging. The cloth or floor tracing forced forthe reception of new master Masons represents a coffin surrounded bytears supposedly shed par Hiram"s other Masons ns discovering hisburial spot. (36) une ritual text directs participants venir enact thisscene à la the benefit de the candidate oui he first enters the lodge. Inthe prescribed tableau, une brother Mason lies in the drawn synopsis ofthe coffin, acting out Hiram"s dying moments, while rather sitaround stop handkerchiefs in année imitation ns mourning: "on faitplacer à lintérieur le cercueil un frere qui se plaint profitez-en un mourant und tousles freres sont autour sasseoir un mouchoir a la henchmen et toutconsternes" fa brother who cries choose a dying homme is put in thecoffin, and tous the brothers space seated roughly him, handkerchiefs inhand and tous dismayed>. (37) Just as the pathetic nature of Hiram"s death is refractedthrough the numerous media involved in the ceremony, routine proceduresframed this occasion in means that activated multiple construction ofsympathetic attachments. This configurations space both vertical andhorizontal in nature. Every aspiring master Mason stepped into auto roleof Hiram, it spreads widely his murder, burial, et exhumation in auto liminalphase ns a structured rite du passage. (38) this performancestransposed Hiram"s ordeal onto the corps of auto candidate. But insubsequent iterations of the reenactment, Masons were invite tosimultaneously get in into renewed sympathy with Hiram, thé father figurewhose martyrdom instantiated auto order, and to indulge in fellow feelingwith the ascending brother, ont he endures thé harrowing suffer ofthe rite à la the sapin time. The diviser with Hiram nous the partof both auto initiate and the divers participating Masons is droit instructure, oui is the mourning the is perpetually memorialized inMasonic craft. Marqué the very same reenactment likewise forges horizon feelingsof fraternal solidarity that room fundamental venir fraternal cohesion.Besides the direct sympathy for Hiram occasioned by reenactments of hismurder, Masons were invited venir indulge in horizontal sympathy v twosorts of brothers who survived thé murder. Thé reception du masterMasons needs three participants to phat the companion Masonsresponsible pour his death, and tous to identify with auto nine masterMasons the Solomon ordered à search à la Hiram, and who discovered hisresting place. (39) the permutations de vertical et horizontal sympatheticidentification enabled by the ordered organization du the lodgeprovide a key venir interpreting how Freemasonry informed the developmentof french dramaturgy in the seconde half du the century. Two categoriesof sympathetic rendez-vous integral à Masonic craft--one a verticalattachment à a superior jaune paternal figure, and one a horizontal, orfraternal attachment--correspond with dramaturgical structures thatproliferated in drame bourgeois. We oui seen currently that thé verticalor head attachment bears overt links to neoclassical conceptions oftragedy. While auto story ns Hiram might well be grouped through othertragic fathers who attracted tears from eighteenth-century audiences, ce moreclosely resembles dramatic histoire that cooking in auto varioushybrid genre known passant par the classification drame. One play in particularresonates through the désastre of Hiram"s death and the verticaland horizons sympathetic attachments this histoire inspired: thé LondonMerchant de George Lillo. MASONIC SENTIMENTS and THE london MERCHANT IN la france The londres Merchant, i beg your pardon debuted in londres in 1731, had actually uniqueinfluence upon thé development of français dramatic literature in thesecond half of the eighteenth century. One du two middle-classdramas--the other being edward Moores the Gamester--cited inDiderot"s Entretiens d’environ le fils naturel, Lillo"s playinspired numerous français translations and adaptations between 1748 and1778, consisting of versions passant par Louis-Sebastien Mercier et Jean-Francois deLa Harpe. It was, more than any est différent play, considered by Frenchplaywrights et critics venir be a maquette of a new species du play, thedomestic tragedy, i beg your pardon was auto core ns the new hybrid genre categoryknown ont drame bourgeois. (40) quartier général to the appeal of Lillo"splay in la france was not just the ordinary société positions ns itsprotagonists, marqué also thé force et clarity ns its conventionnel lessons. Inhis essay against auto value du the theater oui a moral institution,Rousseau, in thé midst du effecting his break with the philosophes,paused to agree v Diderot the Lillo"s phat was exemplary:"an excellent play the moral of which is more venir the mettre en ordre thanthat of any français play je know." (41) ce is common à attribute thé success ns this play, which sawfrequent revivals in london through thé third quarter ns the century andwas published in seven editions par 1740, to its middle-class charactersand venir the positif promotion de the city"s merchants, who ressentir theirapprentices venir see the phat during each Christmas season parce que le thepurposes of conventionnel edification. (42) marqué one historian has claimed thatthe play"s "genesis, immediate success, and long life" canbe attributed to auto Freemasons. In appui of this claim, take care of WilliamPedicord cites the numerous confirmed Masons who operated at thé DruryLane and Goodman"s Fields, wherein the phat saw beforehand productions,and didactic passages in which hey identifies thinly veiled Masonicteachings. (43) Pedicord insurance claims that Freemasons including theactor/manager Theophilus Cibber proactively promoted auto play, arrangingfor its repetitive production, and that it was "a sermon, jaune a typeof Masonic lecture" i m sorry would have been recognized de Masons inthe audience. (44) he also concludes that auto play"s enthusiasticreception in Germany and France can also be partly defined by"support by Freemasonry." (45) Pedicord"s boîte for habitent Masonic intervention in thé successof The londres Merchant is limited. Since numerous plays wereassociated v Freemasons like Cibber, this can seul be thought about aninteresting circumstance. Moreover, Pedicord, à la undeclared reasons,provides non examples ns the "paraphrases du Masonic lectures andritual," et "good Masonic language" that he findsreflected in thé play. (46) thé reader is left to rely onPedicord"s assertion the the phat exudes Masonic teaching "ifwe instead of "Masonry" à la "merchandise" or"trade."" (47) Still, the overall weight ofcircumstances, et a few ns the separation, personal, instance facts, indicate some sort ofaffiliation between Lillo"s work and the fraternity, si notconcerted Masonic sponsorship. (48) thé circumstances ns the play"s communiqués in France, whichPedicord does not explore, only bolster his case. Scene from auto playwere tons translated into French et published in Le pour et contre,the journaux of Abbe Prevost, in 1734. (49) when Prevost"s Masonicstatus is uncertain, he did publish année extensive defense du Freemasonryin the same journal in peut être 1737. (50) However, the life French versionof The londres Merchant come from a Freemason known as Pierre Clement ofGeneva. An annotated directement translation ns Lillo"s play (withoutthe scaffold step at auto end) showed up in 1748. This was followed de acomplete translation in 1751. (51) Clement is assumed to ont belongedto the roupie Louis d"Argent along with Montesquieu, and he is knownto ont penned différent plays, including one overtly flattering venir thefraternity in 1740, esquive fri-macons, hyperdrame. (52) While these facts corroborate Pedicord"s argument, castle areless revealing of french dramatic literature"s indebtedness toFreemasonry 보다 are thé dramaturgical features de the jouer itself.Whatever auto role that the fraternity"s members may have played inpromoting The londres Merchant in England et beyond, the jouer valorizesprecisely auto sort ns masculine homosocial bonds that Masonic ritualsstrived venir fabricate and maintain. Thorowgood, the merchant and"master," in addition to George"s uncle, occupies année upperstratum native which he is beholden à instruct his"apprentices" Barnwell and Trueman. (53) Barnwell"sensnarement passant par what Lisa Freeman calls auto "virago-like"prostitute Millwood precipitates his downfall: auto young apprentice isconvinced first to steal indigenous Thorowgood et then à murder his uncle inorder to gagner money the Millwood insists that elle needs. (54) WhileFreeman aptly points out that Millwoods status in the phat cannot bereduced to simple antagonism toward Thorowgood"s ethicalmercantilism, et while Lillo makes clear that the price Barnwell paysfor his la criminalité includes auto prospect ns marriage to Thorowgood"sdaughter Maria, the dramatic stakes et sources du pathetic emotion areoverwhelmingly generated passant par bonds in between men. Adhering to Lillo"s original, Clements translate in immediatelyevokes a contrast in between the affecter Barnwell feels pour his fellowman et the carnal desire Milvoud stokes in him. Asked par Milvoudwhether cette knows anything du love, Barnwell replies, maïs l"Amour ... Au cas où c"est ns celui qu"on sentiment pourles femmes que amie voulez parler, je vous avouer que je ne me suisjamais consulte la-dessus; (...) Mais si c"est du l"Amourgeneral convecteur le type humain, em ne pense étape qu"on en puisse avoirplus plus moi. Il n"y a personne a qui em ne souhaite du bien, etqueje née rendisse heureux, dans certains cas je le pouvais. J"aime d"unefacon toute particuliere mon loncle et mon maitre; mais particulièrement mon ami.

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marqué if it"s the normal lovefor mankind, i don"t think everyone has more than myself.There"s ne sont pas one whom ns don"t great well et whom ns wouldn"tmake happy if ns could. In a one-of-a-kind way i love mien uncle and my master,but, above all, ma friend.> (55) antérieur à he is corrupted, Barnwell frames Platonic love as auniversal benevolent force that is distinct from erotic love, i m sorry isaligned with auto female body. Besides echoing the Masonic rhetoric of"brotherly love," this passage also identifies thé verticaland horizons aspects du masculine solidarity à which Barnwellinitially belongs, et to which Milvoud presents an external threat.(56) thé overt and implicit resemblance that these bond bear à actualfamilial ties--paternal, filial, and fraternal--frame Milvoud ont apublic woman who risque the artificial domestic tranquility thé maleprotagonists might otherwise achieve. Thorowgood--or Sorogoud, in Clements version--and Barnwell"suncle ensemble occupy a superior emplacement with respect to Barnwell andTruman. Sorogoud is repeatedly identified par the ordered title"maitre" et the apprentices" subordination to that ismade clear once Truman speak Sorogoud the he et Barnwell"jouissons du votre exemple" , and when Barnwell educates Milvoud that he et his friend"servons ns meme negociant" . (57)While Sorogoud"s relationship to Barnwell and Truman is repeatedlyexplained in these terms, cette also stands as a surrogate father,instructing and guiding Truman in the ways de commerce. Venir Barnwell,moreover, Sorogoud represents a potential father-in-law. His absence ofmale heirs will make his daughter marié wealthy when she reaps"tous esquive fruits d"un long et heureux commerce" . (58) Barnwell"sforfeiture ns the chanceux to marry marié will thus also prevent Sorogoudboth from assuming his place as the jeune man"s official surrogatefather et from handing under his fortune--with his daughter--into thecare of another man. Barnwell"s uncle, unlike Sorogoud, is connected to auto waywardapprentice de blood. But pains are taken, too, venir emphasize his role asa patriarch. The play, with no plot implications, divulges thatBarnwell"s caretaker uncle is the seulement un brother of Barnwell"sfather, not his mother, ont if seul to reinforce thé masculine nature ofthe vertical bond between auto two. (59) In spite de framing therelationship this way, the phat insists that spectators translate thecrime ont a patricide. Beforehand, Barnwell explains that his uncle isthe masculin "qui a tenu lieu aux pere depuis on enfance, qui a eleve auprès une tendresse conserver paternelle" because was an infant, who raised with trulypaternal tenderness>. (60) Afterward, the la criminalité is referred to as"patricide" ne sont pas fewer than four times. (61) Barnwell, however,also defines his uncle as a "martyr," compare his crime toCain"s murder of Abel and to Nero"s slaughter of his ownmother avant announcing that cette himself has killed "a la fois unfrere, une pere, et ns ami" . (62) Barnwell"s twin surrogate fathers permit him to commitpatricide et later obtain paternal reconciliation. Thé combination ofthis doubling v the minimal distinguishing features thé twopatriarchs have in auto play directif French dramatists to conflate thé two.In a 1764 city epistle entitled "Lettre de Barnevelt,"Claude-Joseph Dorat combined them into one character. Barnevelt, writingto Truman in thé moments avant he is led to the scaffold, mentions"Le sage Sorogoud, cette frere de mon pere, / Commercantrespectable" , (63) Diderot, in a harsh critiquer ofDorat"s piece, reproduces his mistake: "Dans Lillo, Sorogouds"ecrie: "Je je meurs; coopérative tout-puissant, pardonne a monassassin, rang prends soin de mon neveu"" . (64) auto conflation of Sorogoud et the elder Barnwell speak to the wayLillo"s les données of man-made fatherhood were soaked up into thecurrents of français dramaturgical thinking. Dorat and Diderot unwittinglyacknowledge the Barnwell has, rather than a father, two interchangeablesurrogate fathers who are both peut être of fulfilling thé role ofpatriarch in a prodigal narrative. What"s more, with le respect to thedramaturgical conséquences sur of Freemasonry, both Sorogoud andBarnwell"s uncle seem to oui received auto imprint of a distinctlyMasonic articulation of thé fatherly role. Seulement as, in Pericord"sview, Trueman and Barnwell are contrasting archetypes of the EnteredApprentice, thé two elder functions in Lillo space refractions ns themasculine archetype de Master propounded in Masonic ritual: one a mentorin craft notable pour his conventionnel rectitude, the divers a tragic victim andobject ns mourning. In tous cases auto vertical situation that definefatherhood room transposed onto men who room not, in fact, parent to theapprentice, but who oui taken up an artificially valorized, homosocialrelationship venir a younger, subordinate man. Similarly, Lillo"s play and its french imitations exalted thehorizontal bond between Barnwell and Truman, transforming auto fellowapprentices into an ideal de passionate brotherly shared affection. ThatBarnwell loves Truman "d"une facon tous particuliere" isshown in later on scenes between auto two men. Oz Barnwell has actually stolen fromSorogoud, Truman, though ignorant of the crime, automatically recognizesthat his friend has actually changed, because he hears, sees, and feels thedifference in Barnwell: "Mais d"ou vient cette froid silence?Crains-tu aux voir la joye que accentue retour me cause? tu detournes lesyeux, personnes m"evites" . (65) Truman"s knowledge du his friend not seul permeatesbut transcends the senses, amounting venir unmediated other feeling:"Est-ce un amie qui moi parle? Ah! J"ai senti l’épenthèse chagrins avantde les apercevoir" . (66) After toutes les personnes is revealed, thé play"s tearful apogée unfolds asTruman visits Barnwell"s limite cell to say farewell. Again, fellowfeeling between thé young masculin defines the scene. Both weep openly, andTruman laments that his very own grief stays clear of him from helping Barnwellbear thé burden ns his very own remorse. Your encounter ends through anembrace, and a pledge to oz more partake de each others feelings.Paternal and filial affecter support a solid theme in Le marchand deLondres, cible these attachments fall into thé background de the brotherlylove between Truman et Barnwell. Dorat signaled ont much par dedicatinghis city letter à this farewell. At that conclusion, Barnevelt"slonging parce que le Truman peaks, lofted passant par a pending sense de bereavement: Helas! aucas je pouvois jouir de ta presence, D"un moment d"entretien obtenir l"indulgence, Toucher de nouveau ta main, und repondre a ton voix, je plonger dans ton sein pour la derniere fois, amie serrer à lintérieur mes bras!... (67) These final exchanges in between friends deliver a finishing pulseof pathetic feeling. Indeed, the original versions of the phat areorganized roughly this event. Also in the âge of sentimental literature,the sensuous nature of the amour between auto two men, reflected, as itis, in figures of physics touch et in thé ceaseless flow du tears, isstriking. But what is remarkable is not haricot de soja much the erotic nature ofBarnwell et Truman"s critical meeting, marqué that, ont in the caisse of thepaternal les données from who Barnwell"s crime estranges him, thepathetic object du loss is a completely homosocial, extrafamilialrelationship. The two apprentices are connected only passant par their commonobligations à their master, and by the forces of amitie, i m sorry iselevated in Clements translation venir a passion du unexcelled power et avalue du immeasurable weight. Barnwell"s murdered uncle is barelyspoken du in thé play"s final act, cible pages du lamentation attendthe dissolution ns the bond between auto two apprentices. Lillo"s jouer spawned adaptations by Mercier and La Harpe, andwas the inspiration for still différent plays, consisting of Blin deSainmore"s Orphanis et Louis Anseaume"s L"Ecole aux laJeunesse. Marqué the abundant sentimental potential that auto LondonMerchant imputed venir homosocial masculine bond propagated beyond thebounds ns this certain literary tradition. Other exemplary or notabledrames of the seconde half du the eighteenth century featured comparablesentimental treatments de Platonic affection between men. Dorval andClaireville exprimer a tenderness toward each other that greatlycomplicates thé stakes de their common desire for Rosalie in Diderots Lefils naturel. Auto resolution du Sedaine"s philosophes sans ns savoirturns nous a spontaneous des moments of mutual understanding between deux youngmen who pride et tradition had directif into a duel. Ce is highly unlikelythat multiplying representations of sentimental communion between homme inthe lundi half du the century to be in some marche the result ns concertedeffort venir promote Masonic values with dramatic literature. Quel isapparent, however, is that these dramatic depictions de homosocialsentimental attachments shared avec certitude specific attributes with thé bondsthat Masonic rituals had fabricated, steadily et increasingly in Francesince the establishment du the life French lodges in the 1720s. Theproliferation--in sheltered ceremonial spaces--of formal, artificialbonds between homme loaded through the émotif potential de naturalfamilial relationships peut faire help explain auto popularity ns pathetic talesof fatherhood and Platonic mrs solidarity on français popularstages. But they also point to thé possibility that sentimentaldramaturgy helped soutenir financièrement a broader culture of masculine bonding thatflourished beyond auto domain ns the stage. Washington college in St. Luigi NOTES i would like à thank Jeff Croteau de the musée of NationalHeritage (MONH), Lexington, Massachusetts. (1) David Stevenson, auto Origins de Freemasonry (Cambridge U.Press, 1998), 5-9. (2) frances A. Yates, the Rosicrucian knowledge (New York:Routledge, 2002 <1972>), 262-77. See also Stevenson, Origins, 96-105. (3) français Freemasonry"s original impulses were politicallyincendiary as well as arcane. Margaret C. Jacob"s foundationalstudy 7he radical Enlightenment: Pantheists, Freemasons and Republicans,2nd ed. (Lafayette: Cornerstone, 2006 <1986>), ix-xiv, casts thebrotherhood"s originators oui radical thinkers that issued sharperchallenges venir France"s société order 보다 agitators prefer Voltaireand d"Alembert. (4) Margaret C. Jacob Living auto Enlightenment: Freemasonry andPolitics in EighteenthCentury europe (Oxford U. Press, 1991), 3-22. Seealso Ran Halevi, les loges maconniques à lintérieur la la france d"AncienRegime ns origines aux la sociabilite democratique (Paris: A. Colin,1984); Pierre-Yves Beaurepaire, lendroit des francs-macons: Unesociobilite europeene à XVIIIe siecle (Rennes: Presses Univ. Ns Rennes,2003), and Franc-maconnerie rang cosmopolitanisme venir siecle des Lumieres(Paris: Eds. Maconniques de France, 1998); Dena Goodman, auto Republie ofLetters: A cultural Flistory de the français Enlightenment (Cornell U.Press, 1994), 233-80; Jurgen Habermas, the Structural transformation ofthe public Sphere: an Inquiry right into a Category de Bourgeois Society,trans. Planche à découper Burger, (MIT Press, 1991 <1962>), 35; roger Chartier, TheCultural Origins ns the français Revolution, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane(Duke U. Press, 1991), 162-68. (5) G. E. Lessing, "Ernst et Falk: dialogues forFreemasons," in Philosophical et Theological Writings, H. B.Nisbet, ed. (Cambridge U. Press, 2005), 210. (6) Goodman, Republic de Letters, 253. See additionally Daniel Gordon,Citizens without Sovereignty: Equality et Sociability in FrenchThought, 1670-1789 (Princeton U. Press, 1994). Parce que le a current andperceptive study of french Enlightenment Freemasonry in which auto notionof sociability is prevalent, watch Kenneth Loiselle, Brotherly Love:Freemasonry and Male Friendship in Enlightenment la france (Cornell U.Press, 2014). (7) bruno Latour, Reassembling auto Social: année Introduction toActor-Network- concept (Oxford U Press, 2005), 19. Illustration in aller fromdevelopments in the philosophy of science, Latour and others haveproposed recasting social situation in terms du actors and networks.Critically, Latour and philosophers consisting of Andrew Pickering identifythe performative behaviors du individuals ont a an important term inelucidating the formation and potentials ns social networks. Watch AndrewPickering, auto Mangle of Practice: Time, Agency, et Science (U. OfChicago Press, 1995). (8) social groups should be retained up "ceaselessly," et are"constantly being performed." Latour, Reassembling the Social,45-46, 74. (9) See à la instance the "Oath" spoken passant par the begin toapprenticeship, which begins with thé formulation, "I swear..." MONH R13 (1761), 71. See likewise J. L. Austin, how to aller Thingswith Words, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard college Press, 1962),4-11. (10) Jacob, Living auto Enlightenment, 6-7. (11) Lessing, "Ernst and Falk," 210. (12) Cynthia M. Truant, "Solidarity et Symbolism amongJourneymen Artisans: The boîte of Compagnonnage," ComparativeStudies in Society et History 21:2 (1979): 214-26. (13) Sophie Marchand, theatre et pathetique au XVIIIe siecle: Pourune esthetique aux l"effet spectaculaire (Paris: Honore Champion,2009), 13,17-18. (14) Marchand, théâtre et pathetique, 243-63, identifies "thepaternal function" as an emblematic feature ns pathetic dramaturgy. (15) Anthony Vidler, the Writing of the Walls: architectural Theoryin auto Late knowledge (Princeton architecture Press, 1987), 83. (16) Ibid., 86. (17) Ibid., 85-88. (18) Also, ont Loiselle, Brotherly Love, 51-52, points out, theaccounts given in exposure publication are granted credence passant par the factthat Masons complained venir each est différent that the livres had revealed secretpasswords, signs, et gestures. (19) Vidler, Writing of the Walls, 87-88. (20) Ibid., 89. (21) MONH R198 (ca. 1775), 33-36. (22) for theories of the way récolte memory have the right to be practicedthrough thé body, see Diana Taylor, thé Archive and the Repertoire:Performing cultural Memory in the Americas (Duke U. Press, 2003), 25-33,and paul Connerton, how Societies psychic (Cambridge U. Press, 1989). (23) luigi Travenol, frais catechisme des francs-macons, 3rd ed.(1748). This dedication go not appear in auto 1744 tons edition. (24) MONH R198 (ca. 1775), 15-16. Here et in other ritual textsquoted in this essay, I have modernized spelling and diacritics but leftcapitalization and punctuation in their d’origine form. (25) Ibid., 24. (26) Ibid., 3-4. This message is specifically transcribed in Travenol,Nouveau catechisme, 57. (27) thé initiate, pour example, has tous the steel taken from hisbody in auto process de becoming an Apprentice, since Hiram offered nometal outils in the incarcération of the temple according to Masonic lore.MONH R198, 10-11. (28) Travenol, nouveau catechisme, 13. (29) MONH R198, 51. (30) Ibid., 42. (31) nouveau Hedelin, abbe d"Aubignac, La commode dutheatre, ed. Helene Baby, (Paris: Honore Champion, 2011), 193. (32) Marmontel distinguishes in between protagonists who suffer as aresult de a favored evil, and those, consisting of Cato et Brutus, that havebeen reduced venir having venir choose a devastating fate. Thé latter case, heclaims, immédiatement pity. Jean nouveau Marmontel, Poetique francoise(Paris: Lesclapart, 1763), 129. (33) Marmontel, Poetique 96. (34) watch Marchand, Poetique, 396-97. (35) MONH R198, 72-73. (36) Travenol, fraîche catechisme, 77. (37) MONH R198, 50. (38) victor Turner, auto Ritual Process: structurellement andAnti-Structure (Chicago: Aldine métiers Publishers, 1995), 94-96. (39) MONH R198, 68-69. (40) pour a survey of français reactions à Lillo ns play, watch J.Chouillet, "Images continentales aux Marchand deLondres"," recherche in Voltaire et the Eighteenth Century 217(Oxford: the Voltaire Foundation, 1983): 3-10. (41) Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Politics and the Arts: Letter à M.d"Alembert nous the Theater, trans. Allan Bloom (Cornell U. Press,1960), 56. (42) william H. McBurney, "Introduction," thé LondonMerchant (U. De Nebraska Press, 1965), xvi-xviii; d’oscar J. Brockett andFranklin J. Hildy, History ns the Theater, ninth ed. (Boston: Allyn andBacon, 2003), 218. (43) Harry william Pedicord, "George Lillo and"Speculative Masonry,"" PQ 53(1974) : 401 -12. Check out alsoby Pedicord, "White Gloves at Five: Fraternal Patronage de LondonTheaters in auto Eighteenth Century," PQ 45 (1966): 270-88, and"Masonic théâtre Pieces in londres 1730-1780," theater Survey25 (1984): 153-66. (44) Pedicord, "George Lillo," 404. (45) Ibid., 403. (46) Ibid., 404,406. (47) Ibid., 406. (48) Pedicord notes that a advantage performance pour William Mills,the actor to tons play Trueman, was provided 30 April 1731 "For theentertainment of the énormément Master, et the Ancient and HonorableFraternity de Free and Accepted Masons." Ibid., 409. (49) chic Francois Prevost, Le convecteur et anti 3 (1734): 337-60. (50) chic Francois Prevost, Le convecteur et anti 12 (1737): 282-88. (51) pierre Clement aux Geneve, ns Marchand de Londres, oul"histoire du George Barnwell. Tragedie bourgeoise, traduite deTAnglois ns M. Lillo, moyennant M. *** (1748); pierre Clement aux Geneve, LeMarchand de Londres, foins l"histoire du George Barnwell. Tragediebourgeoise, traduite de TAnglois ns M. Lillo. Seconde Edition, Augmenteede deux Scenes (1751). Auto preface published with Clement ns versionsdemonstrate that he knew de the scenes published in Le pour et contre,though the variations between auto "complete" translations andthe excerpts in Prevost"s journal make cette unclear even if it is Clementwas thé translator ns the latter. (52) calcul Chevallier, das Ducs parmi l"acacia: ou, Lespremiers pas du la Franc-Maconnerie francaise, 1725-1743 (Geneva:Slatkine, 1994), 63-65, 77-78. (53) Pedicord, "George Lillo," 404, acknowledges as muchin his cursory reading de Lillo"s play: "Thorowgood is theMaster Mason, et Trueman is his exemplary gone into Apprentice Mason ...On the est différent hand, George Barnwell oui the "bad" EnteredApprentice Mason provides lip service to thé teachings of his lodge whilefalling far from its ideals." (54) Lisa A. Freeman, personalities Theater: Genre et Identity conditions météorologiques theEighteenth-Century English stage (U. Of Pennsylvania Press, 2002),113-14. (55) Clement, le Marchand aux Londres (1751), 24-25. I oui here andfor toutes les personnes quotations native Clements édition of the phat provided mien owndirect English translation, fairly than the corresponding present fromLillo"s original. (56) See, parce que le comparison, the langue of love contained in theAnderson Constitution, a foundational Masonic text. That work notes thatMasons "know et love une another, even without the help de speech,or when de different languages." James Anderson et BenjaminFranklin, thé Constitutions du the Free-Masons, containing the History,Charges, Regulations, etc. Ns that many Ancient et Right WorshipfulFraternity (Philadelphia, 1734), 25. (57) Clement, le Marchand du Londres (1751), 7, 25. (58) Ibid., 12. (59) Ibid., 88. (60) Ibid. (61) Ibid., 94, 101, 106, 110. (62) Ibid., 93,95. Lillo"s phat includes "mother" inthis list, cible Clement omits it. See Lillo, The london Merchant, 52. (63) Claude-Joseph Dorat, "Lettre ns Barnevelt," inPoesies ns Dorat, (Geneva, 1777), 1:80. (64) Diderot, "Sur les lettre aux Barnevelt moyennant Dorat," inOeuvres completes ns Diderot: Belleslettres, détablissement partie (Paris:Garnier, 1875), 450. (65) Lillo, trans. Clement, le Marchand aux Londres (1751), 38. (66) Ibid., 39.

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(67) Dorat, Lettre, 88.